Respectfully, why do you think an arbitrary Prohibition era law meant to trump up charges against bootlegging mobsters (empowered and created by the US government via a repealed amendment that prohibited the sale, distribution and consumption of most alcohol) for weapon possession charges because corruption allowed them to evade prosecution for producing alcohol should continue to circumvent the second amendment and not to be challenged or treated as absolute, particularly since technology is evolutionary?
Rate of fire is not nor has it ever been regulated, the 1934 NFA served one single distinct purpose, and was even acknowledged in its day to be standing upon constitutionally questionable grounds by its advocates in the senate that were looking for an avenue to make any sort of criminal charges stick to elusive organized crime members, from tax evasion to gun possession.
“Congress found these firearms to pose a significant crime problem because of their frequent use in crime, particularly the gangland crimes of the era such as the St. Valentine’s Day Massacre.” This is from the BATFE website, and is the exact same argument used by many anti-gun DA's in gang infested metros against handgun ownership. In fact, the original draft of the NFA tried to prohibit the use and possession of handguns and withdrew the proposal when they found it would be met with about as much fury as Prohibition itself. Thompson machine guns were targeted, because it was a novelty item of great expense at the time, and only the wealthy black market fueled mob could afford their two hundred dollar price tag in significant numbers if at all. So it was surmised this was the perfect item of minimal public disruption to try and prohibit, and it was made the mascot of the mafia by Hollywood, and coverage of the St. Valentine's Day Massacre in 1929.
And even after all that, because congress knew an outright ban flew in the face of "shall not be infringed", congress had to finagle a de facto ban under the guise of a tax. Essentially hitting mobsters caught without a tax stamp for their Thompson's or short shotguns with a form of tax evasion and subsequently unlawful possession of a firearm.
Subsequently, there are no readily available records of the NFA curbing organized crime or leading to successful convictions of mobsters that didn't pay a tax stamp. So all it did was price out ordinary citizens from the full flower of their second amendment rights, first with a tax, and 50 years later with the Hughes Amendment, which piggybacked upon the NFA and wouldn't have been part of the 1986 Firearms Owners Protection Act without the existence of the 1934 NFA.
Silencers were also made NFA items by powerful conservation lobbyists with the Bronx Zoo who argued that hunters were too accurate and not sporting since they weren't scattering herds after making lethal shots with muted rifle cracks. This added fuel to the congressional fire on adding suppressors to the NFA. Another reason that many consider is that during the Great Depression members of the government thought people were poaching off federal land in order to provide food for their families—an act that was possible because of their use of silencers. This claim was not substantiated by congress, but more an assumption.
And the Fifth circuit and soon the Supreme Court challenge your understanding of what a machine gun is. As seen in the text of their bump stock ruling:
https://www.ca5.uscourts.gov/opin.../pub/20/20-51016-CV2.pdf
Pages 17-21 shreds ATF's "single pull" language means the same as "single function".
"The statutory definition of machinegun utilizes a grammatical construction that ties the definition to the movement of the trigger itself, and not the movement of a trigger finger. Nor do we rely on grammar alone. Context firmly corroborates what grammar initially suggests by demonstrating that Congress knew how to write a definition that is keyed to the movement of the trigger finger if it wanted to. But it did not. The Government offers nothing to overcome this plain reading, so that we are obliged to conclude that the statutory definition of machinegun unambiguously turns on the movement of the trigger and not a trigger finger."
The military courts also long ago found bump stocks were not machine guns:
'This Executive-Branch change in statutory interpretation aimed to outlaw bump stocks prospectively, without a change in existing statutes.'
www.westernjournal.com
The mess comes from trying to regulate what isn't even an issue. If you think bump stocks are machine guns, well guess what, over 1.3 million were in circulation and scarcely any turned in. And no criminal charges filed against a soul over the manufacturing or possession of them which is at odds with machine gun possession and manufacturing post May of 1986. Without an SOT license if these are machine guns then criminal statutes apply, yet they do not.
But now former manufacturers get to sue the ATF for punitive damages and lost inventory.
And by any reasonable measurement they were in common use in numbers (something pertinent post Heller decision by the Supreme Court) with a single alleged and very controversial criminal usage in their entire history.
There are also hundreds of thousands of far more effectual FRTs in circulation that are now guaranteed a similar path to legally dunking on the ATF.
So no, the NFA may be an antiquated law on the book, but its constitutionality and merits are very much not beyond repeal and challenge. Especially as gun tech and society evolves.
We know the NFA didn't bring down organized crime that the government created with Prohibition.
We know silencers aren't uniquely lethal and were outlawed on spurious grounds and people should have them in mass again for ear protection and neighborly hunting conduct.
We know SBR's aren't uniquely deadly.
And we know handguns would've been NFA items had they not been common use that would cost politicians votes, and to this day are the top culprit of gang violence but will never have any federal movement against them because of how ubiquitous they are.
The modern semi auto "assault weapon" scare is very similar to the origin of the weapons placed upon the NFA, used as a scapegoat to crime in general on account of a few sensational crimes that were a drop in the bucket of homicide.
But in the post Bruen decision, West Virginia vs EPA decision, and Cargill vs Garland decision, the NFA is on its last leg.
That which is not explicitly outlined in its text is forbidden from prohibition by government, and it still may come to a reckoning as all together unconstitutional, as the precepts of the 1939 United States vs. Miller decision are being eroded bit by bit, both legislatively and judicially over the last 84 years.
After all, the interstate commerce clause it uses to assert regulating and taxing NFA items is currently being challenged by the Texas Suppressor law, which says suppressors manufactured in Texas and that don't cross state lines aren't technically NFA items. If the Supreme Court allows that Texas law to stand then any meaningful NFA regulation of lawful suppressors will be null and void, and that same precedent would apply to every NFA item made within a state that doesn't leave.